The agreement entered into force on 30 May 2019, 30 days after the 22nd ratification instrument was tabled. The afCFTA operational phase was launched on 7 July 2019 at the 12th Extraordinary Summit of AU Heads of State and Government in Niamey, Niger. The first day of negotiations under the pan-European Free Trade Area is scheduled for 1 July 2020.  With regard to the Court`s estimate that the transition from intra-African trade to more than 50% by 2022, N. Samba Sylla reports that these figures come from “statistical data for only 16 African countries (the remaining 38 are not taken into account) and data on 2004 tariff structures. Not to mention that the econometric model that gave this figure is based on incredible assumptions: total liberalisation of goods and services in five years, absence of unemployment in all African countries… These figures have the merit of existing, but they have no validity” (“The African Free Trade Area is a mistake “. However, they are used by all the maquisards of the ACFTA, African governments. Dr Evita Schmieg is associated with SWP`s EU/Europe division. This document was developed as part of a trade and development project, supported by the Federal Ministry of Economic Cooperation and Development, as part of the Sustainable Development Goals.
In order to achieve afCFTA`s objective of creating an internal market for goods and services, the negotiation of protocols on investments, intellectual property rights and competition policy has begun. The deadline for concluding these Phase 2 negotiations is December 2020. Negotiations for a protocol on e-commerce/digital commerce will begin shortly after the end of negotiations on the second phase. This practice, known as social dumping and harmful to workers, may be common in the ACFTA, as suggested by the interest of an amount paid up to an investment or received by a lender. Interest is calculated on the amount of capital invested or borrowed, the duration of the transaction and the fixed interest rate. By the AU and the Afro-Champions Club for “the free movement of workers,” although the article on this subject speaks of “non-discrimination in accordance with the laws of the country”. This would not be new considering, for example, the more traditional use of child labour in neighbouring countries in large cocoa plantations in West Africa (whose exports to chocolate factories outside Africa are monopolized by transnationals of non-African origin). Instead of promoting solidarity between local and local wage work and what comes from elsewhere, it can multiply the explosions of the South African style “Afrophobia”, this modern expression of popular chauvinism, whose demonstrations were already denounced by Frantz Fanon at the beginning of national independence. The signing of free movement protocols cannot be pursued, given the usual negligence of African states, with their national and international obligations . Eritrea was not part of the original agreement because of the continuing state of war, but the 2018 peace agreement between Ethiopia and Eritrea ended the conflict and ended the barrier to Erreer`s participation in the free trade agreement.
     The unrecognized state of Somaliland was not involved in discussions on the creation of the agreement.